Yemen’s Houthi rebels launched a ballistic missile that struck near Israel’s Tel Aviv, a bustling commercial hub on Sunday. Rebel Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi claimed responsibility for the missile, describing it as a “ballistic missile” that penetrated Israel’s sophisticated air defence systems. While there were no casualties, the attack added to the already fragile regional tensions, particularly as the Gaza war, triggered by Hamas’ attack on October 7, neared its first anniversary.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was quick to respond, warning that the Iran-backed Houthi rebels would “pay a heavy price” for the strike. While the missile caused only minor damage – shattering glass at a train station and injuring several civilians on their way to shelters – the symbolic nature of the attack cannot be understated. It is the latest escalation involving the Houthis, who have increasingly been drawn into the Gaza conflict as part of a broader network of militias collectively known as Iran’s Axis of Resistance.
The attack prompted questions about how a militia in war-torn Yemen has managed to acquire the capability to launch such long-range missile strikes.
Origins Of The Houthis’ Missile Capabilities
The Houthis’ ability to acquire and launch ballistic missiles lies in historical weapons caches, Iranian support, and arms trafficking. The group, officially known as Ansar Allah, evolved from a grassroots religious movement in the 1990s to a powerful militia with sophisticated weapons. Since the Yemeni civil war broke out in 2015, the Houthis have relied on three primary sources to build their missile arsenal:
Yemeni Government Missiles
During the Cold War, Yemen was divided into North and South, with each side receiving military aid from competing superpowers. The Yemeni government first began acquiring Scud missiles from the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Over the years, various ballistic and surface-to-air missiles found their way into Yemen’s military stockpiles, including those from North Korea and Iran, and, ironically, Saudi Arabia and the United States.
Photo Credit: Reuters
The 1994 Yemeni civil war saw the use of these ballistic missiles, and by the time the Houthis began to rise in prominence in the 2000s, they had ample access to outdated but still functioning missile systems. Between 2004 and 2010, the Houthis repeatedly looted government armouries, gaining access to missiles and other heavy weaponry. However, it wasn’t until 2015, when they allied with former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, that their missile capabilities expanded significantly.
Arms Supply And Tactical Training By Iran
Since the outset of the Yemeni civil war, the Houthis have relied heavily on Iranian support, which includes everything from missile components to training in assembly and launch techniques. Although Iran has never openly acknowledged their support, US and coalition forces have intercepted Iranian missile shipments en route to Yemen multiple times.
According to the book ‘The Missile War in Yemen’ by Ian Williams and Shaan Shaikh, debris from missile strikes has been found with Farsi inscriptions and Iranian manufacturing labels. Iran’s provision of missiles like the Burkan series, the Quds-1 cruise missile, and the Sayyad-2C surface-to-air missile has augmented the Houthis’ long-range strike capability.
One of Iran’s most strategic advantages is its ability to smuggle missile components into Yemen using clandestine routes. These routes include overland passages through Oman, covert shipments via the Arabian Sea, and even smuggling through unregulated ports along Yemen’s Red Sea coast. In many cases, the missiles arrive in parts and are assembled in Houthi-controlled territory with Iranian help.
Spoils Of War
The Saudi-led coalition, formed to support Yemen’s internationally recognized government, has inadvertently supplied the Houthis with weapons through accidents and losses in battle. Houthi forces have seized rocket launchers, anti-tank missiles, and other equipment from Saudi forces or their allies.
In 2015, a Saudi coalition air-drop mishap resulted in the Houthis capturing a shipment of RPG-26 variants. The rebels wasted no time in showcasing their spoils, with a Houthi leader holding a thank-you note addressed to Saudi King Salman. While these captures have occasionally included advanced missile systems, they remain the least significant source compared to Iranian aid and Yemeni stockpiles.
In recent years, the Houthis have demonstrated an evolving capability in unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). Drones have become a key part of their arsenal, and Iran’s influence is again apparent. The Houthis’ Sammad drone series, used in one-way “suicide” missions, bears a resemblance to Iranian drone models like the Sayad.
The Houthi-Iran Alliance: Why Iran Supports The Houthis
The Houthis are part of a growing network of Iranian-backed militias and political factions, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and various Shiite militias in Iraq. For Tehran, the Houthis represent a low-cost, high-impact proxy force capable of destabilising the Arabian Peninsula and projecting Iranian power into the Red Sea, a key global trade route.
The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, which connects the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, is one of the world’s most important maritime chokepoints. By supporting the Houthis, Iran gains influence over this vital corridor, potentially disrupting global oil and trade flows. This makes the Houthis an important part of Iran’s strategy, which aims to challenge US and Saudi dominance in the region.
